Nepal: Solidifying National Integrity – Part 3

Nepal: Solidifying National Integrity – Part 3

Professor Durga D Poudel, USA

National integrity is a critical element for sovereignty, economic development, prosperity, and peace.

A sense of togetherness among its citizen, a sense of bonding between the state and its people, and a sense of pride among the people being citizen of a country is the foundation for a nation to remain united and prosper.

With respect to national integrity, Nepal is passing through an extremely critical stage at this juncture. Prevalence of regionalism, communalism, linguism, casteism, elitism, ethnicism, and racism or any other factors that cause social exclusion and gender differences affect national integrity.

We must rise above these prejudices and behaviors and embrace a common agenda of humanity, peace, globalization, patriotism, social inclusion, social justice, sustainable development, economic growth, employment, and environmental quality in promoting national integrity.

A society that is stuck in societal and linguistic differences, casteism, ethnicism or any other inherent differences is prone to prolong political turmoil, religious conflicts, ethnic violence, regional conflicts, corruption, poverty, and eventually head towards civil wars and national disintegration.

Therefore, it is important for a society to identify common elements that inspire people and bind them together by promoting national integrity and unity.

Nepal has gone through major political transformations in the past three decades and in this process Nepalese society has run into many socio-politico-economic conflicts and disagreements.

Efforts are lacking to mend these wounds and bring the society together.

Therefore, it is important to identify and assess these decisions and changes that Nepal has gone through, assess their impacts on Nepalese society including people’s psychology and feelings, and take appropriate corrective measures to enhance national integrity in Nepal.

Below are some of the major agreements, decisions, or political discourses that Nepal has gone through in the past 30 years that have contributed to the division of Nepalese society in modern times the most. They include:

1) Proclamation of Multiparty Democracy by King Birendra in 1990:

On his coronation in 1975 AD, King Birendra declared universal and free education for Nepalese, and made a request to international communities for the Zone of Peace (ZOP) proposal for Nepal.

While 116 countries including USA, France, England, and Germany approved the ZOP proposal, India rejected the proposal citing that it contradicted with the 1950 Treaty.

King Birendra had seen the fate of Sikkim, Bhutan, and the intervention of Sri Lanka by the Indian army.

Right after King Birendra ascended the throne, there was a people’s uprising against the Panchayat system.

Considering the political development against the Panchayat system, King Birendra announced national referendum for the Panchayat system in 1979 AD.

The referendum was conducted on May 2, 1980, and 54.7% of the voters cast their votes in favor of the Panchayat system.

This was the first public poll in Nepal which divided the Nepalese society between party less panchayat system and multiparty democracy.

The differences in the society continue to grow. Many negative sentiments against the Monarchy started trickling down to the grassroots.

In 1988, as Indian aircrafts started incursions into Nepalese air space, King Birendra signed an agreement with China for the purchase of anti-air guns for defense. In the pretext of the expiration of trade and transit treaty between the two countries, India flexed its muscle by imposing economic blockade to Nepal in 1989, which lasted for 13 months.

This author was in Kathmandu during this time and had a firsthand nasty experience of this inhumane economic blockade from Nepal’s neighboring country of India.

This incident further demonstrated the reinforcement of the 1950 Treaty by India.

This blockade was followed by the 1990 people’s uprising in Nepal demanding multiparty democracy which was launched on February 18, 1990.

King Birendra lifted ban on political parties and announced a multiparty democracy with constitutional monarchy in Nepal allowing Nepal a peaceful political transformation.

Nepali Congress leader, Mr. KP Bhattarai, led the interim government. Nepal Constitution 1990 was promulgated on November 9, 1990, which was accepted by all political parties and public in the country.

Part 1, Article 4 of the 1990 Constitution declares Nepal as a Sovereign Hindu Constitutional Monarchical Kingdom, thus, constitutionally declaring Nepal as the only Hindu state in the world.

It was expected that this new constitution will flourish and bring both sides of the people, i.e., party less panchayat system and multiparty democracy, together and enhance national integrity and accelerate economic growth. Unfortunately, it did not happen. Instead, Nepal fell into a devastating 10-year long Maoist War.

2) Maoist War:

Maoist war that lasted for 10 years (1996-2006) and claimed 17,000 lives, loss of property, coercions, economic devastation, and disappearance of many people left the Nepalese society traumatized and extremely divisive.

The deep-rooted fear of coercions, abductions, killings, and intimidations during the war still has not been wiped out from the minds of Nepalese people.

Reportedly, there are 63,718 cases as of today filed at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Only 3,787 cases have gone through primary investigation.

The “Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 2006”, which was signed by then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and Maoist Chairman Prachanda on November 21, 2006, concluded the 10-year Maoist War with several understandings including the promulgation of the “Interim Constitution of Nepal 2006”, which will be exercised until the new constitution is written through Constituent Assembly.

In the peace agreement, “the Parties” are defined as the Nepal government and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

An uncomfortable situation is that the government was formed with the reinstated old parliament 1999 by King Gyanendra, and Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala had taken oath from the King.

Mr. Koirala signs the peace agreement with the Maoist who were fighting for the abolition of monarchy in Nepal and agrees to suspend the monarchy in interim constitution and later declares Nepal a republican sate.

This conflicting double standard taken by Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala has pushed the Nepalese society further into confusions, divisions, and conflicts.

While some people gave benefit of doubt to the Maoists expecting that they will develop the country and give rights to disadvantaged people, it was not clear to many Nepalese that Maoist war was directly targeted to the 1990 Constitution of Nepal, which had embraced multiparty democracy, constitutional monarchy, and a Hindu state.

3) Royal Palace Massacre:

The Royal Palace Massacre that occurred on June 1, 2001 AD, was an inhumane and an unthinkable tragedy of the Nepalese royalties.

King Birendra and his family members as well as many others who were present at the family gathering in the Palace were killed.

The whole world was shocked by this tragedy.

Reportedly, King Birendra knew how much risk there was in his life. He was informed from a diplomatic source that his life was in danger before the palace massacre. This unfortunate incidence has left a very deep scar on Nepalese minds, and the common people still demonstrate full respect and deep sympathy to King Birendra and his family. While some political parties and their leaders who advocate for republican order condemn and criticize Nepalese monarchy as feudal power, common citizens still believe monarchy as a symbol of unity and the protector of Hinduism. This difference between public sentiment and the political discourse has severely divided the nation, compromising national integrity.

4) The 12-point Delhi Agreement:

The historic 12-point Delhi agreement between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) on 22 November 2005, in New Delhi, India, is the most important political agreement in the past 20 years that has hammered national integrity of Nepal the most.

Nepalese sentiment has always been suspicious against Indian heavy handedness and political interference to Nepal. The 12-point agreement signed in New Delhi included: 1) Ending of the autocratic monarchy, 2) Reinstatement of the 1999 parliament, 3) Election to Constituent Assembly by having UN or a dependable international body for arm monitoring of Maoists and Royal Nepal Army (RNA) and to ensure free and fair CA election, and 4) CPN-Maoist accepting multiparty democracy, returning seized lands and properties by the Maoists, not repeating the past mistakes by both the political parties and the Maoists, respect for human rights and freedom of press, boycotting the Municipal and the Parliamentary Polls set by the Nepal Government, launching people’s movement, and taking actions for guilty.

Having this agreement in Delhi was an open blow to the national integrity of Nepalese society. It shows that Nepalese political parties and their leaders were not capable of making major political decision by themselves on Nepalese soils. The impact of 12-point Delhi agreement on Nepalese society is going to last for a long time and may even be amplified in the years to come if not corrected.

5) Declaration of Secularism, Republicanism, and Federalism:

Following the April 2006 Jana Andolan II, King Gyanendra reinstated the 1999 parliament through a televised national address on April 24, 2006. On May 18, 2006, the reinstated parliamentary government severely stripped the King’s power, and, to the surprise of most Nepalese citizens, Nepal was declared a secular state.

Through the amendments of interim constitution, again to the surprise of most Nepalese, the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Maoists declared Nepal a federal nation.

After completing the CA election on April 10, 2008, the parliament voted against the Monarchy and declared Nepal a republican state on May 28, 2008. On June 11, 2008, King Gyanendra briefed the press and stated that he accepted the CA’s decision.

King Gyanendra declared that he had no property outside Nepal, asserted that he loved Nepal and Nepalese people, and did not want to leave Nepal. He left the Narayanhiti Palace for his temporary residence in Nagarjun Palace.

These surprising declarations of republicanism, secularism, and federalism through a parliament which was reinstated by the King himself clearly suggest that something deeper was going on with political leaders that they were keeping Nepalese people on dark.

The endorsement of these crucial political transformations in the history of Nepal through CA instead of going to referendum and taking clear mandate from the public has basically curtailed the fundamental rights of public in making critical decisions of this magnitude.

Nepal had been integrated for 240-years under the monarchy, has more than 90 percent Hindu population, and is about 61% of the size of Uttar Pradesh (UP) in India. Total population of Nepal is less than 15% of the total population of UP. Most Nepalese still ask the question why federalism is necessary for such a small country that had been under unitary system for past 240 years.

Declaring Nepal secular, federal, and republican state without a thorough discussion and not taking mandate from the public through referendum has left the Nepalese society highly divided, creating serious doubts on democracy and distrust on political parties and their leaders.

6) Nepal Citizenship Act 2006:

This citizenship bill was approved on Nov. 26, 2006, by the interim government based on the political understanding made on Nov. 8, 2006.

The 205 member House of Representatives was reinstated by King Gyanendra from old parliament of 1999. Nepal Citizenship Act 2006 promised granting citizenship to more than four million people of Indian origin who were living in Terai region before the CA election.

Granting Nepalese citizenship without thorough investigation to more than four million people by the interim government was a very hasty and unexpected decision from the government that emerged out of the 12-point Delhi agreement. It was clearly another outcome of the 12-point Delhi agreement which makes a huge impact on Nepal’s politico-socio-economic environment.

While an estimated over 4 million people living in Terai reportedly had citizenship problem, many people from Indian origin were also living in Nepal, complicating the citizenship issue.

The political parties were found keen on granting citizenships to consolidate their vote banks in this region.

With 26 million total population of the country in 2006, granting four million citizenship means more than 15% of the country’s population were granted citizenship within a couple of months, which is very absurd for any nation in the world.

Any error or mistakes in this process may prove to be fatal for Nepalese nationalism down the road. The issue of citizenship was halted at least twice by King Birendra.

7) The United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), Nepal Army and Maoist Combatants:

The “Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), 2006” signed by the Prime Minister G.P. Koirala and the Maoist Chairman Prachanda on 21 November 2006, opened the door for the United Nations to take part in Nepal’s internal matters for the first time in the history of Nepal.

The agreement stipulates that “The Nepal Army would be confined to the barracks as per the commitments expressed in the letter sent to the United Nations.

Guarantee that its arms would not be used for or against any side.

Keep similar quantity of arms of the Nepal Army in the store, seal it with single-lock system and give the key to the concerned side.

For the UN to monitor it, a device with siren as well as recording facility will be installed.

When there is need to examine the stored arms, the UN would do so in the presence of the concerned side.

Prepare the details of technological arrangement including camera for monitoring as per the agreement among the Nepal government, the Maoists and the United Nations.”

On November 28, 2006, the government and the CPN(Maoists) signed another agreement “Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies, 28 November 2006” and declared that “The parties agree to seek UN assistance in monitoring the management of the arms and armies of both sides by the deployment of qualified UN civilian personnel to monitor, according to international norms, the confinement of Maoist army combatants and their weapons within designated cantonment areas and monitor the Nepal Army (NA) to ensure that it remains in its barracks and its weapons are not used against any side.”

This was another outcome of the 12-Point Delhi Agreement which pushed Nepal to a point that it needed help from UN to solve her internal problem. Understandably, this incidence caused the morale of Nepal army very low for the first time in Nepalese history.

In addition, the verification process was so controversial that thousands of Maoist combatants were disqualified to be included in Nepal Army and were not given the check to them that the Maoist party had agreed too.

These combatants are still struggling for their settlements.

Out of 17,000 Maoist combatants who were found eligible for joining Nepal Army, 1500 joined Nepal Army and the rest got 5-8 lakhs each from the State for their voluntary retirement.

It is reported that as many as 4,009 ex-combatants were disqualified for integration to Nepal Army as they were minors or were late entrants to Maoists.

These combatants who were released from their camps still are complaining that they were mistreated by the Maoist Party or by the state.

8) Ethnic Federalism:

Following the first Constituent Assembly election held on April 10, 2008, Maoist party came as the largest party in the CA election securing 238 seats out of 601.

Although no such slogans were heard during the people’s uprising, The CA declared Nepal as a republic on May 28, 2008, abolishing the 240-year-old monarchy.

Nepal was declared secular and federal nation through subsequent amendments of the Interim Constitution. The largest party of CA, the Maoist, proposed ethnicity, and language-based federal model that included states such as Limbuan, Kirat, Kochila, Mithila, Bhojpura, Newa, Tamshila, Tamuwan, Abadh, Magarat, Tharuwan, Seti Mahakali, and Bheri Karnali, whereas UML and NC had their own federal models.

In 2007, the estimated population of Nepal was 26,427,399. Nepal has at least 60 recorded caste and ethnic groups and 70 languages and dialects. In 2001, the ethnic population in Nepal was Chetri (15.8%) > Brahmin (12.74%) > Magar (7.14%) > Tharu (6.75%) > Tamang (5.64%) > Newar (5.48%) > Muslim (4.27%) > Kami (3.94%) > Yadav (3.94%) > Rai (2.79%) > Gurung (2.39%) > Damai/Dholi (1.72%) > Limbu (1.58%) > Thakuri (1.47%) > Sarki (1.4%) > Teli 1.34%) > Chamar, Harijan, Ram (1.19%) > Kori (1.11%), and Others (19.31%). Similarly, the population by mother tongue in 2001 was Nepali (48.61%) > Maithali (12.30%) > Bhojpuri (7.53%) > Tharu (5.86%) > Tamang (5.19%) Newar (3.63%) > Magar (3.39%) > Awadhi (2.47%), Bantawa (1.63%) > Gurung (1.49%), > Limbu (1.47%), > Bajika (1.05%), and Others (5.38%).

It is clear from these statistics that there is no possibility of having majority of any ethnicity in any federal state in Nepal.

These statistics also tell that there is no alternative to stay in harmony among these ethnic groups which are scattered across the nation.

The sentiment of ethnicity-based federalism in Nepalese society has destroyed the national bonding and shattered the sense of togetherness among the Nepalese. People have started focusing more on ethnicity or linguistic based activities rather than those that promote national bonding, foster togetherness, and create unity. It is necessary to overcome this ethnic divisiveness and cultivate togetherness while respecting all quarters of people and their culture, traditions, and values in the society.

9) 2015 Constitution, Madesh Movement, and Protest from Tharu Community:

After more than seven years of drafting, the 2015 Constitution was adopted by a vast majority (507 members) of the 601-member Constituent Assembly on September 16, 2015.

The 2015 Constitution declared Nepal a secular, federal and republican country incorporating many fundamental rights and forming 13 constitutional organs.

However, smaller political parties, religious groups, a few ethnic groups, and some Madhesi population protested the 2015 Constitution saying that their concerns were not addressed.

India had also expressed concern on the 2015 Constitution.

The protest against the 2015 Constitution that lasted for several weeks in Madesh left at least 45 people dead. During the 2015 Constitution drafting process, there were serious discussions among Nepalese on the topics such as directly elected Presidential system, proportional representation versus first-past-the-post electoral system, and the appropriateness of the federal system of governance.

There was at least one small political party directly opposing the federalization of the country. The 2015 Constitution drafting process was largely controlled by a few “Supreme Leaders” of the major political parties in the country rather than the public.

The “Supreme Leaders” were busy signing one agreement after another agreement (e.g., 16-point, 9-point agreements, etc.) on the modality of the governance and system of electoral processes without bringing such fundamental issues to the public.

However, on July 20 and 21, the CA Citizen Relations and Public Opinion Collection Committee collected 186,946 suggestions from the people for their incorporation in the draft.

Some of the notable suggestions made by public included directly elected President or Prime Minister, removal of proposed secularism, removal of Proportional Representation system, and fixing education qualification for the President or Prime Minister and parliamentarians.

The “Supreme Leaders” of the major political parties who had already made their decisions on the system of governance and electoral system did not care about these suggestions and deprived the 2015 Constitution from probing it through public opinion.

The Madhesh Movement was led by several regional and ethnicity-based political parties in Terai, following the promulgation of Interim Constitution of Nepal in 2008 and the protests and violence after the second CA Election in 2013 and the promulgation of Nepal Constitution 2015.

These protests and violences have disturbed the harmony between Pahadiya people and the Madheshi people in Terai.

This conflict forced internal migration of some Pahadiya people to hill region, leaving their ancestral property in Terai.

Pahadiya people who left the Terai region have moved to Kathmandu and other big cities in the mid-hill region along with the cities and town located along the East-West Highway. Ethnic voices have dominated Nepalese politics after the collapse of the 1990 Constitution.

The linguistic conflict prevalent in the nation was evident from the oath taking episode of the VP following the 1st CA election.

Then VP refused to take oath in Nepali language. The Tharu community in western Nepal protested the 2015 Constitution demanding greater rights which culminated into a deadly clash between the Tharu community and policemen leaving seven policemen and a child dead. Citing insufficient autonomy, minority ethnic communities across the country demonstrated against the 2015 Constitution that divided nation into seven federal states.

10) Religion Conversion:

Published on 4 June 2020 by Yash Joshi in TFIPOST.com entitled “Nepal is witnessing a change in religious demography as Christian missionaries get a free run” highlights some alarming facts on religious conversion in recent years in Nepal. Although 2015 Constitution of Nepal prohibits religion conversion or disturbance of the religion of other people in Nepal, there is a huge religious conversion going on in the country.

Yas Joshi writes that “Dalits have become easy prey for the evangelists as the Federation of National Christian Nepal says 65% of Christians are Dalits.

It is important to note that the country listed no Christians in 1951 and just 458 in 1961. During the 2001 Census, there were nearly 102,000 Christians and a decade later that number had more than tripled to more than 375,000. Fast forward to 2020, there is over 3 million Christians in Nepal.”

Yas Joshi quotes an Italian anthropologist, Diana Riboli, that “After the earthquakes, Christian missions in Chepang areas became more and more active and the number of churches is dramatically increasing.”

According to Yash Joshi, “the modus operandi of the conversion mafia involves economical and material benefits along with the promise of free education in missionary schools which targets the uneducated people under the garb of “faith-healing.”

The “Holy Wine” issue that emerged after then Prime Minister of Nepal, Mr. KP Sharma Oli, attended the Asia Pacific Summit in November 2019, which was organized by Universal Peace Foundation, a South Korean NGO accused of spreading Christianity in Nepal, has left impression to the public that Nepalese leaders and especially the communists are involved in spreading the Christianity in Nepal.

This religious conversion has created an enormous discomfort among the Nepalese population and the sense of togetherness and community bonding is deteriorating fast in the affected areas.

11) Border Issues and International Relations:

The issue of border encroachment has become a very hot topic lately as India recently inaugurated an 80-km track to Lipu Lekh on May 8, 2020, to connect India to Mansarovar (Hindu Pilgrimage site) during the midst of the COVID-19 lockdown.

Many sources show Kalapani, Lipu Lekh and Limpiyadhura as parts of Nepal:

The Sugauli Treaty of 1816 AD, earlier maps published by Nepal, testimonials from eyewitnesses, tourists, and local people; and hundreds of other resources in relation to land tax records, public works, census, general election, etc.

Many Nepali citizens have openly reached out to the media and shared that in their experience, Kalapani, Lipu Lekh and Limpiyadhura area has always been within the political and administrative boundary of Nepal.

However, despite these facts, the recent inauguration of a road in Nepalese territory by Indian Defense Minister, Mr. Rajnath Singh, has created a huge public concern in Nepal.

Before this inauguration, India had unilaterally published a new political map showing Nepalese territory of Kalapani, Lipu Lekh and Limpiyadhura within Indian political boundary in October 2019.

Also, there was signing of the Sino-India Trade Bilateral Agreement on June 9, 2015, mentioning Lipu Lekh pass without the knowledge of Nepal. It is commendable that the Government of Nepal led by PM KP Sharma Oli unveiled the new political and administrative map of Nepal on May 20, 2020.

This new map puts Kalapani, Lipu Lekh and Limpiyadhura (the northwestern pointed part in the new map of Nepal) within the border of Nepal and secures the 335 sq. km. of land that India is claiming. While unveiling the new map is commendable work from the Nepal Government, it is necessary to come up with a detailed and thoughtful plan of action for future border protection and the rehabilitation of this territory.

Escalating border issues will divide the Nepalese society more and more. While it would not be surprising to find some political leaders in Nepal who would like to stay quite on border issues providing support to India, majority of political parties and their leaders will put themselves against foreign encroachment of Nepali lands.

12) Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC):

On September 14, 2017, the Government of Nepal and the US Government signed a $500 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) agreement in Washington, DC.

The Government of Nepal committed additional $130 million to this compact, making Nepal on the top list of the MCC countries on in-country contributions.

Including India as a strategic partner, the MCC’s first compact in South Asia grant investment targeted the construction of high voltage power lines aiming electricity trade with India, 300 kilometers of roads maintenance in East-West Highway, and the improved governance of Nepal’s power sector.

While the MCC funded project has initiated the construction of a 400 kilometers 400 kV Lapsiphedi-Galchhi-Damauli-Sunawal transmission line in the central part of Nepal, the MCC agreement is facing a serious opposition from public, lawmakers, civil society, and some political parties citing that the MCC agreement is a part of the USA’s Indo-Pacific Strategy for countering China and some of the rules and regulations in the compact contradict with the Constitution of Nepal.

As a result, the Government of Nepal has not been able to ratify the MCC agreement from its parliament as required by the agreement, leaving the compact in full controversy among the public. Nepalese society is so heavily divided with respect to the MCC agreement that it is hampering national integrity and unity.

13) Massive Corruption:

Corruption includes several monetary and nonmonetary form, including bribery, fraud, embezzlement, extortion, favoritism, and nepotism.

According to Transparency International, Nepal ranked 131 out of 176 countries in 2016 and 117 in 2020 Corruption Perception Index. Corruption has infested almost all sectors of the country including public, political, private, judiciary, civil service, police, army, and NGOs.

Some of the major recent corruption scandals can be listed as OMNI International on medical supplies from China, Lalita Niwas land scam, tax exemptions scandal such as Ncell and other enterprises, the Rs10.02 billion corruption case, and wide-body aircraft purchase deal. Corruption and financial irregularities are so widespread in the society that it is almost impossible to get job done on time without a bribe in any governmental organizations. It is overwhelming.

14) Political Instability:

Honoring the pledge to step down as the PM after promulgating the new Constitution on September 16, 2015, Mr. Sushil Koirala resigned from the PM on October 10, 2015.

Although he sought for re-election, he was defeated by KP Sharma Oli. KP Sharma Oli was elected as Prime Minister in a parliamentary vote on October 11, 2015, receiving 338 votes’ pout of 597 members in the legislature parliament.

His candidacy was supported by UCPN-Maoists, RPPN-Nepal, Madhesi Rights Forum-Democratic and 13 other smaller parties.

KP Sharma Oli served until 3 August 2016. This was the intense time in Nepal as economic blockade from India had caused huge suffering to Nepalese people.

The Indian blockade in Nepal began on September 23, 2015 and lasted until March 2016.

This blockade started after promulgating Nepal Constitution on September 20, 2015.

There were protests in Terai region ad more than 40 people including 8 police officers were killed during these protests. Although India denied that it was an Indian blockade, it was obvious that it was a blockade by India primarily showing discontent on the promulgation of the 2015 Constitution by Nepal.

Each blockade brings serious hardships to Nepalese people and economy primarily by cutting off the supply of petroleum products, food and medicine items, construction materials, and other items that are necessary for daily life.

This author was present in Nepal during this blockade and the daily life of Nepalese people was absolutely miserable.

The 9-month-old government of Mr. KP Sharma Oli that struggled with the post-earthquake reconstruction following the April 25 Gorkha Earthquake devastation and economic blockade from India was ended through no-confidence vote in the parliament, and consequently Mr. KP Sharma Oli resigned from the government on August 3, 2016.

Nepali Congress and Maoists agreed to share power, Pushpa Kamal Dahal became PM for 9 month succeeding PM Oli. Mr. Deuba became the PM of Nepal for the fourth time through power sharing agreement between NC and Maoists in June 2017.

Deuba government conducted the general elections of all three levels held on November 26 and December 7, 2017, to elect the 275 members of the House of Representatives.

Out of 275 members in the house, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) won 121 seats, Nepali Congress 63 seats, and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) 53 seats.

The RJPN and FSFN parties own 17 and 16 seats, respectively.

Other parties took remaining five seats. Through the subsequent merger of the two communist parties (i.e., UML and Maoists) and the formation of Nepal Communist Party with two Co-Chairman (Mr. KP Sharma Oli and Mr. Pushpa Kamal Dahal), the Nepal Communist Party enjoyed 63.3% majority in the House of Representatives.

This was a major political victory for the Communist Party in Nepal. As Nepal’s 41st Prime Minister, Mr. KP Sharma Oli was sworn in Nepal’s Prime Minister on February 16, 2018. President Bidhya Devi Bhandari administered the oath of office and secrecy.

The rise of PM KP Sharma Oli with almost two/3rd majority in the federal lower house gave Nepalese much optimism, and hope.

However, due to intense infighting within the party, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s Cabinet meeting on Sunday, December 20, 2020, recommended to the President Bidya Devi Bhandari the dissolution of the country’s House of Representatives (the lower house of Parliament) and President Bhandari approved the recommendation of the PM for house dissolution on the same day.

This brought the five-year House of Representatives that was elected in 2017 to an end two years earlier.

President Bhandari also approved the new election dates of April 30 and May 10, 2021 (Baisakh 17 and 27, 2078 BS).

On February 23, 2021, the Supreme Court of Nepal overturned the decision of KP Sharma Oli on House dissolution citing that the decision on dissolving house was unconstitutional.

The Chief Justice Mr. Cholendra Shamser JBR led the bench for the decision.

The Supreme Court asked the authorities to summon a meeting of the parliament within 13 days.

As PM Oli fails to be reappointed as the PM, he recommended the dissolution of the house second time to the President on May 22, 2021, and the President dissolves the house for the second time declaring the mid-term elections for November 12 and 19, 2021.

On the same day, NC-led alliance of CPN-Maoists, a faction led by Janata Samajbadi Party and the Madhav Nepal-Jhala Nath faction of UML presented 149 signatures requesting that the president appoint Sher Bahadur Deuba as the PM. Mr. KP Sharma Oli also presented his claim for reappointment to the president.

On Monday, July 12, 202, Nepal’s Supreme Court gave a landmark verdict and directed the President of Nepal to appoint Mr. Sher Bahadur Deuba as the Prime Minister of Nepal by next day and reinstate the dissolved House of Representatives by Mr. KP Sharma Oli the second time in five months.

This was a major blow to Mr. KP Sharma Oli and the almost 2/3rd majority communist government of Nepal.

All these problems that I have discussed above relate directly to the politics and democracy and indirectly to the economic and educational status of the society. Democracy in Nepal is not functioning well.

Major problems associated with the democracy include, 1) Extremely polarized ideologies, thoughts and political parties in the country such as far left Communists to the far right political party advocating for Monarchical and Hindu Kingdom, 2) Strong regionalism such as Terai-based political parties, 3) Unrealistic campaign promises by political parties giving false hopes to the public, 4) Nepotism, favoritism, and other forms of corruption in deciding election candidates, 5) Very expensive elections which are beyond the reach of ordinary people, 6) Political leaders doing anything that they can do irrespective of their party principles, guidelines, ethics and national interest in order to grab the power, 7) Insensitivity of political parties and their leaders to societal problems that the public is suffering from, 8) Rampant corruption, 9) Widening income gap in the society, and 10) Lack of vision for nation-building.

To address these multitudes of socio-economic, political, regional, and demographic issues and challenges, Nepal needs a theoretically grounded unifying framework for accelerated economic growth, socio-economic transformation, social inclusion, and sustainable natural resources management and development.

The following section presents such a framework.

# To be concluded next week: Editor Upadhyaya.