Inclusive Democracy and Political Parties in Nepal

Lal Babu Yadav, Patan Multiple Campus, Nepal

Inclusive Democracy and Political Parties in Post-April 2006 Period

During and after Jana Andolan II (April 2006), a number of political issues and agendas including inclusive democracy have been raised by the major agendas of political parties of Nepal. After the restoration of House of Representatives in 2006 and formation of the government, the government and the mainstream political parties have reiterated their faith in various main agendas: negotiate with Maoist and bring them into mainstream politics; frame interim constitution and form interim government including CPN-Maoist. Moreover, election of the Constituent Assembly (CA) and restructuring of the Nepalese state with special emphasis on federalism, proportional representation (PR), electoral reforms (ER) and inclusive democracy. However, the issue of inner party democracy had been frequently raised even before second Jana Andolan but the political parties in practice failed to encourage proper representation of the marginalized and vulnerable groups and minorities. As a result, they have remained as the disadvantaged groups (DAGs) and powerless so far in Nepalese politics and accordingly, the women, Madhesi, Jananati and Dalits remained underrepresented in every layer of governance and decision making process.

Research shows that Hill Brahmins, which consists only 12.7 percent of the total population of Nepal, have larger representation (50 percent) in all three major political parties (NC, CPN-UML and CPN- Maoist). The next dominant groups are Chhetris and Newars which constitute 17 percent and 5.5 percent of the total population respectively and occupy 13 and 7 percent respectively. The above mentioned three groups, which, constitute only 35 percent of the total population in the country, have obtained 70 percent in the central committee's members in the three major political parties. While only 30 percent of the central committee member posts go to the 65 percent of the population. Similarly, women who consists more than 50 percent of the total population obtained only 8 percent of party posts is pitiful in terms of their population of the Nepal. Madhesi Representation obtained only 7 percent in party posts when their population consists of 33 percent, Janajati constitutes 37.2 percent of the total population but occupies only 13 percent of the central committee of the major three political parties. However, Dalits comprised 12.9 percent of the total population of the Nepal and has only 3 percent representations.

The NC, CPN-UML, and CPN-Maoist are major political parties and they can play significant role for the inclusion of DAGs in the decision making process in the polity. These parties have insignificant number of the representation of DAGs in the central committee. However, these DAGs are continuously raising their voices for inclusion. They think that inclusion is an important aspect in democratic theory and practice. The past 13 years in Nepal have also showed that violence was and still associated with exclusion of these DAGs. The role of these DAGs and marginalized groups in peace, democratization and development is emerging as the main agenda of the day because none of these processes can become sustainable in a real sense without including them. But one critical prerequisite to such inclusion is the question of inner party democracy or their inclusive representation among the political parties, which is emerging as another major  agenda after Jana Andolan II.

Further analysis suggests, the status of inclusiveness within these parties is far from adequate. These parties are exclusionary in terms of the representation of women, Madhesi, Adivasi, janajati and Dalit. These DAGs are being traced back mainly to the domination of the Hindu elites in the evolution of the Nepali state and their hegemony role in existing power structure and the patriarchal culture of Nepali society. In any democratic political set-up the even participation of all linguistic, socio-cultural, ethnic, regional and religious minorities and groups are must. The goal of stabilization of the democratic values cannot be realized until and unless the political parties themselves encourage inclusive democratic values within their organizational networks and activities. The exclusion of women, Madhesi, janjati and Dalit and other ethnic minorities has resulted in violent outbursts in different parties of the country. The political parties as representative institutions have to encourage their participation in the party structures, in the government mechanism, and in constitutional and other bodies such as the National Planning Commission etc.

Some of the political parties have raised the issue of inclusive democracy and state restructuring very seriously in the Post-April 2006 period. They are saying if needed even by introducing the system of reservation for excluded groups till they become able to stand on their own feet. Though, NC-D has touched this issue in their central committee, other parties are yet to steps towards it. Nepal is a constitutionally declared multilingual, multiethnic, multi-religious, and multicultural pluralistic society and inclusive democracy thus cannot be encouraged without the adequate representation and participation of these groups. The political parties after Jana Andolan II have made some provisions to encourage the concept of inclusive representation (IR), but they are not enough and have to be effectively promoted in future realizing the needs of the present political scenario. The political parties also have to play a significant role in discouraging the discriminatory polices and practices of the state and in introducing and encouraging the concept of IR in their organizational network and policies, if needed, through reservation in their membership structure. (e. g. in the Central committee).

The Interim Constitution, 2006; inclusive democracy and political parties: With the clear promulgation of Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2006, the concept of inclusive democracy and state restructuring ending all types of discriminations existing in Nepalese society remained an agenda. But the beginning of Madhesi movement in southern plains and the Adibasi janajati and Dalits in all parts of the country in 2007, has raised some serious issues regarding the participation and representation of these groups in layers of administration and decision making process. The present government has attended to positive address the ongoing movement in Terai and other parts of the country. The seven parties' coalition government and CPN-Maoist leadership held several rounds of serious discussion and displayed their political acumen ship. As a result of Rt. Hon'ble P.M. Koirala's recent address to the nation, more particularly the agitating groups, has proved to be solacing event and hence became a historical declaration in the annals of modern Nepalese history. In reference to this, a ministerial level committee was convened by Mananta Thakur, Ministry of Agricultural is constituted to hold dialogue and to find lasting solution to the on going agitation. (FFA, 2007;1)

But the political parties' have to adopt some practical measures in resolving the issue in the changed political context. The participation of the marginalized groups including women, Madhesi, Adivasi Janajati and Dalits in the current interim parliament/Legislative shows that overall, the representation of excluded groups in Interim parliament/legislative is dismally low. Out of 329 members of the Interim parliament/legislative, the women, Madhisi, janajati, and Dalits occupy 17.6, 21.6, 15.5 and 4.6 percent respectively. CPN-Maoist has given adequate representation, that is, 37.3 percent to women, 25.3 percent to Madhesi, 22.9 percent to Janajati, and 14.5 percent to Dalit which is comparatively better than NC and CPN-UML. Moreover, without the representation of CPN-Maoist in the interim parliament, the inclusion of the excluded groups in the interim parliament would be even more piteous than what it is now.

Similarly, the supreme leaders of the political parties are dominated by Brahmins and Chhetris by 31 and 38.6 percent respectively. Likewise, Newar, women, Madhesi & Janjati are represented by 7.6 total. Madhesi, Women leader belongs to the Nepal Sadbhawana party. The Dalit which constitutes 12.8 percent of the total population has no representation.

Rationale:

The exclusion of women, Madhesi, Adivasi, janajati and Dalits in the political parties renders them unrepresented in their nature and addressing this gap will help them become not just more representative, but also more responsible and responsive. So, for the addressing the inclusion issue, the political parties needed to expand the scope of inclusive representation in some important aspects: to improve the number of representation in party apparatus at both local and central level, the political parties should declare agenda of the excluded group or DAGs- women, Madhesi, Adivasi, janajati and Dalits; and review of the role of the political parties in parliament/ legislation in terms of their accountability, responsibility and responsiveness. In this context, it is also essential to understand the question of the study of inclusive democracy in political parties in three dimensions. They are: representation, policy platforms and performance. The objective of the paper is to show the actual position of the representation of the marginalized groups, women, Madhesi, Adivasi janajati and Dalits, and other smaller groups in the political parties.

Issues, Problems and Challenges: In order to materialize the concept of inclusive democracy in practice in Post-April 2006 Nepal, a number of problems and challenges exist. The absence of political commitment on the part of larger parties, the lack of awareness among the people and the concerned stakeholders, the lack of political and administrative culture are some of the principle bottlenecks in this direction.

Recommendations: 

To strengthen and effectively implement the concept of inclusive democracy in practice, a number of recommendations could be put forward:

The political parties have to demonstrate a democratic culture in their attitude and behavior so that the concept of inclusive democracy be better realized.

In order to make people aware about the concepts of inclusive democracy and state restructuring, advocacy programs be conducted throughout the country in a massive scale.

The political parties, including the larger ones, have to demonstrate a culture of tolerance and attitude to respect the concept of inclusive democracy and state restructuring.

Conclusion: 

Table 1: Representation of Various Caste/Ethnic Groups of Major Political Parties' Central Committee
	Parties	Brah	Chh	New	Wom	Mad	jan	Dal	Tot
1	NC	17	3	3	4	4	5	1	37
	%	46	8	8	11	11	13	3	100
2	CPNUML	36	6	4	6	4	8	1	65
	%	56	9	6	9	6	12	2	100
3	CPNM	17	8	3	2	1	5	1	37
	%	46	22	8	5	3	13	3	100
4	NC-D	12	10	2	2	3	4	1	34
	%	35	30	6	6	8	12	3	100
5	NSP- A	0	0	0	4	20	4	1	29
	%	NA			14	69	14	3	100
6	NSP- K	NA							0
	%	NA							0
7	NMKP	2	2	6	1				11
	%	18	18	55	9				100
8	RPP	4	13	2	1	6	5		31
	%	13	42	7	3	19	16		100
9	RJP	3	3	0	1	1	2		10
	%	30	30		10	10	20		100
10	JMN -KC	NA							0
	%	NA							0
11	SBMN	NA							0
	%	NA							0
12	SJMN	NA							0
	%	NA							0
13	SJM Thapa	NA							0
	%								0
Source: Various political parties’ office

Table 2: Caste/Ethnic Composition of Percentage of Three major Parties Central Committee
	Parties	Bra	Che	New	Wom	Mad	Jan	Dal	Total
1	NC	17	3	3	4	4	5	1	37
	%	46	8	8	11	11	13	3	100
2	UML	36	6	4	6	4	8	1	65
	%	56	9	6	9	6	12	2	100
3	Maoist	17	8	3	2	1	5	1	37
	%	46	22	8	5	3	13	3	100
	Total	70	17	10	12	9	18	3	139
	%	50.4	7.2	8.6	6.5	13	2.1	13	2.1

 

Table 3: Caste/Ethnic Representation in Interim Parliament /Legislative
SN	Parties	Brah	Chh	New	Mad	Jan	Dal	M	F	Tot
1	NC	39	14	6	15	10	1	78	7	85
	%	45.9	17	7.1	17.5	11.8	1	91.8	8.2	100
2	UML	32	13	6	14	16	2	69	14	83
	%	38.6	16	7.2	16.9	19.3	2	83.1	16.9	100
3	Maoist	15	8	8	21	19	12	52	31	83
	%	18.1	9.6	9.6	25.3	22.9	15	62.7	37.3	100
4	NC D	13	16	3	11	5	0	45	3	48
	%	27.1	33	6.3	22.9	10.4	0	93.8	6.3	100
5	NSP-A	0	0	0	5	0	0	4	1	5
	%	0	0	0	100	0	0	80	20	100
6	NSP K	0	0	0	1	0	0	1	0	1
	%	0	0	0	100	0	0	100	0	100
7	NMKP	0	1	3	0	0	0	4	0	4
	%	0	25	75	0	0	0	100	0	142.9
8	RPP	0	3	1	3	0	0	6	1	7
	%	0	42.9	14	42.9	0	0	85.7	14.3	100
9	RJP	0	1	0	0	0	0	1	0	1
	%	0	100	0	0	0	0	100	0	100
10	JMN -KC	2	1	0	0	0	0	3	0	3
	%	66.7	33.3	0	0	0	0	100	0	100
11	SBMN	2	1	0	0	0	0	3	0	3
	%	66.7	33.3	0	0	0	0	100	0	100
12	SJMN -A	1	0	1	1	1	0	3	1	4
	%	25	0	25	0	25	25	75	25	100
13	SJM-P	1	1	0	0	0	0	2	0	2
%		50	50	0	0	0	0	100	0	100
Total		105	59	28	71	51	15	271	58	329
%		31.9	17.9	8.5	21.6	1.5	4.6	82.4	17.6	100
Total. (%)		12.7	17.3	5.5	33	37.2	12.9	50	50
Rep		42	57	18	109	122	42	164	165
Surplus		+63	+2	+10	-38	-71	-27	+107	-107

Table 4: Supreme Leader of political parties by caste/Ethnicity
SN	Political Parties	Leaders by Caste
		Brah	Chh	New	Wom	Mad	Jan	Dal
01	NC	1
02	UML	1
03	Maoist	1
04	NC-D		1
05	NSP -A				1
06	NSP-K					1
07	RPP		1
08	RJP		1
09	SJMN - A						1
10	SJMN- P		1
11	SJMN -KC		1
12	SBMN	1
13	NMLS			1
	Total	4	5	1	1	2	1	0

 

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